What If Gordon Banks Had Played, Part 18
Bella, horrida bella, Et Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno
19th November 1979 - County Fermanagh - 4.18pm
Capt G I Duncan-Smith scanned the broken horizon as his unit trundled through bandit territory, only a mile or so North of the border. The troops in the back were swapping obscene jokes, the squaddies equivalent of whistling past the graveyard. Seventy-eight soldiers had been killed in IRA ambushes so far this year. There was no need to keep count - the IRA had scrawled the total in a boastful message on the side of a house in Belleek, regularly updated. The army had promptly demolished the house, only to have the same macabre count painted on another house. That too had been demolished, and the count had reappeared on the side of a church, which was subsequently “accidentally” court in crossfire. The murals kept going up, and the army kept knocking them down, and all the time the grisly total rose.
Duncan-Smith's unit rounded a tight corner, and saw a stack of fallen trees blocking the road. It was no windfall - the weather had been clement and the logs had been chainsawed. “Shit! Ambush! Back up! Back up!” It was too late as the gunshots began echoing around them. “Out! Out! Out!”
The ambush was amateur; the fire fight quick and conclusive. There were five IRA men - three behind the blockade and two behind the army unit. Within a matter of minutes three of the men were dead and the other two were fleeing South across the hilly moorland, the army in full pursuit.
The border in Fermanagh was unmarked - roads and bridges passing into the Republic had long since been demolished, cratered or trenched, but out in the wilds any attempts at erecting fences or barriers were as futile as the attempts to remove the murals celebrating the number of troops murdered. Across the windswept hinterland the Irish army waited, patrolling, their itchy fingers on their light triggers. For five months now they had been on high alert, the two armies facing each other uneasily across the ravaged border.
The two men fled, their black clothing blending into the gathering gloom, while Duncan-Smith's troops pursued them. Suddenly shots and one of the men jacked into the air, the other stumbling and falling to the floor as the lead soldier reached him. Then more shots, from elsewhere. A further ambush? Duncan Smith's men fell to the floor, scurrying away from the fire behind the closest knoll, taking their prisoner with them. Duncan-Smith did a quick head count - he was one man down. Looking over the top of the hillock he could see one of his men prostrate amongst the long grass, and behind him the Irish army.
19th November 1979 - Downing Street - 4.28pm
“I demand you withdraw your troops immediately! This is sovereign Irish territory!” Jack Lynch thundered down the phone to Enoch Powell.
“You are in no position to rant at anyone Mr Lynch,” Powell said coldly. “Our troops were actively pursuing a terrorist suspect in an area where the precise border is not clearly marked and your troops opened fire on them. I will happily withdraw the troops, with the prisoner, if they can be guaranteed safe passage from your troops, who seem to be precipitate in their actions.” Listening to Powell from across the table Alan Clark grinned like a schoolboy and John Nott nervously chewed the back of his hand.
“My troops were defending Irish territory and Irish citizens from your soldiers. I will not let your thugs enter Irish sovereign territory, abduct Irish citizens and drag them off to be executed without fair trial. That I will not do! Never! Your troops can leave whenever they want, but they'll not be taking any Irishmen with them.”
“British troops have apprehended a terrorist who opened fire on them. They will be leaving with him whatever your opinion,” Powell said coldly. Across the desk Clark was grinning from ear to ear. “I am not prepared to permit the continuance of a situation where your country actively protects and gives refuge to those persons who commit terrorist acts on British soil.”
“If you try to take the prisoner over the border, I will authorise my troops to use violence to prevent it.”
“That is your choice, Mr Lynch,” Powell said calmly. “I am perfectly prepared to reciprocate in kind.” He handed the phone receiver to Robert Armstrong, who replaced it in its cradle.
20th November 1979 - Palace of Westminster - 3.15pm
“Questions to the Prime Minister! Dr Paisley!”
The reconstructed House of Commons chamber was packed, with MPs lining the stairs and walkways and squashed around the bar of the House. High on the Government benches Ian Paisley rose to speak. “Number one, Mr Speaker,” he said, flecks of spittle flying from his mouth.
Powell rose to deafening cheers from the Conservative benches, some of the more excitable backbenchers already throwing their order papers in the air. "This morning I had meetings with cabinet colleagues, the chiefs of staff and others. Later I shall be delivering a statement to the House on the situation in Ireland. In addition to my duties in the House I shall be having further meetings later today.
“Might I take this opportunity to offer the Prime Minister my very heartiest congratulations,” Paisley boomed from on high. If the Reverend Doctor were not teetotal one have been forgiven for thinking that he had imbued more than Christian spirit, such was the zealous glow on his face. “The good Lord has given us the opportunity to crush our Papist enemy, that revolting state of terrorists, traitors and idolaters. I am sure that with the almighty God of heaven on our side the Prime Minister will be able to free the people of Southern Ireland from the Papist yoke and return them to the rightful Protestant rule of our good King George.” A few of the more 'eccentric' Tory MPs on the backbenches gave muted cheers, and at the far end of the Treasury bench the Chief Whip carefully noted down the names of those who would under no circumstances be let near any position of responsibility.
“I thank the honourable gentleman for his heartfelt, if misguided congratulations,” Powell said carefully as he rose to the despatch box.
“Mr Merlyn Rees!”
“Thank you Mr Speaker. Can I ask the Prime Minister to reassure the House that any military action on the Irish border will have strictly limited objectives, and that every effort will be made to bring this unfortunate instance to a peaceful conclusion?”
There were a few murmurs of shame from the restless Conservative benches, and a spatter of cheers as Powell rose and eyeballed the Leader of the Opposition. “I can assure the House that the Government has clearly delineated objectives in any military confrontation with the Republic of Ireland. We cannot allow the situation to continue whereby terrorists can attack and kill British subjects before fleeing over the border into Ireland where they can neither be apprehended by British soldiers, nor extradited by the Irish authorities. For as long as the Irish Government does not effectively act to prevent their territory being used as a base from which to launch terrorist attacks upon the United Kingdom they are complicit in those attacks. The fact that such attacks continue is a demonstration of the Republic of Ireland's inability or unwillingness to do so, and the Irish Republic's decision to shoot upon British soldiers carrying out anti-terrorist operations forces me to conclude that there is no other alternative than the use of military force. The objectives of the British military in Southern Ireland will be to occupy and take control of a safety zone bordering British territory, eliminating any terrorist cells found in the area. I fully expect the initial objectives to be achieved during the next five days, although there will obviously be an ongoing commitment within occupied Irish territory.”
“Mr Nicholas Winterton!”
“Number Two, Mr Speaker.” Powell calmed recited the mantra of referring Winterton to his earlier answer, before Winterton rose again. “As the Prime Minister will be aware, there are several hundred thousand citizens of the Irish Republic currently resident in the United Kingdom, and such people pose a considerable threat to the security of the nation. Will the Prime Minister consider introducing the internment of Irish nationals?” There was a guttural cheer of agreement from the the Conservative backbenches.
“As the honourable gentleman will be aware, the legal necessities required to sanction internment on the mainland are already in place, and the security forces are already operating a program of internment for those of whom there is reasonable suspicion that they may be connected with terrorism. I do not as present see any need to expand the criteria for internment, though the honourable gentlemen may rest assured that the matter will remain under review.”
“Mr Tony Benn!”
The new Member for Glasgow Garscadden climbed to his feet to address the House. “Mr Shpeaker, might I ask how the Prime Minishter can poshibly defend his decishon to send British troops into the territory of another sovereign shtate? ” There was a howl of derision from the overwhelming Tory majority and Benn had to raise his voice again in a futile attempt to be heard. “Over what was no more than an unfortunate error. Might I remind the Prime Minishter that British troops were acting illegally when they were shot at, and that the Irish government were willing to settle this matter peacefully if it were not for the Prime Minishter's intransigence. Can I ashk the Prime Minishter how he will explain his decishion to the parents of those who will be killed on both sides purely as a result of his own mishguided vanity?” Benn's final words were drowned by cries of disapproval and shame as the former viscount retook his seat.
“I thank the right honourable gentleman for his question, though I think it would carry more weight if it had not originated from one who has steadfastly opposed all measures aimed at ending the scourge of terrorism in Britain. Suffice to say, I would be only too happy to reach a peaceful settlement with the Republic of Ireland that prevented terrorists operating from over their border, with apparent impunity from the Irish authorities. At present no such settlement seems forthcoming, and with the greatest of regret I am forced instead to used armed forced to secure Britain against it's enemies. Let no one, least of all the right honourable gentleman opposite, think that it is a choice I make lightly; the situation is that, if we wish to truly defeat terrorism, there is no alternative.” The Conservative benches finally let loose their pent up excitement, roaring with support as they threw their order papers in the air. Powell himself sat calmly amongst the bedlam - his expression one of sphinx like contemplation.
From “An Unhappy Juncture: The Powell Government” by Anthony Selsdon (HarperCollins, 1988)
After months of increasing tension on the Anglo-Irish border, violence finally broke out on the 19th November. A Scots Guard unit on patrol in County Fermanagh fell into an IRA ambush. After a brief gunfight, the survivors of the IRA unit fled across the Irish border, pursued by the British Army. Whether by design or accident the British army unit crossed into Irish territory where it apprehended the surviving member of the IRA unit before itself coming under fire from the Irish army.
There followed an uneasy stand off between British and Irish troops while frantic diplomatic negotiations took place between the Irish and British Government, climaxing, according to then Secretary of State of Defence Alan Clark, in a heating telephone conversation between Powell and the Taoiseach, Jack Lynch. The Irish demanded the immediate withdrawal of the British troops. Powell agreed to the withdrawal, on the condition that they would take their prisoner with them. Lynch, aware that this would effectively be giving the British army a green light to enter Irish territory in pursuit of suspects, refused.
At six o'clock British armoured troops crossed the Irish border and shortly afterwards in a television broadcast Lynch fully mobilised the Irish army, indicating his determination to fight the British invasion. Given the overwhelming numerical superiority of the British army, Lynch's motivation in taking Ireland to war have been a subject of much debate. In his own memoirs Lynch explained his decision in terms of the moral imperative. In 1969 he had spoken of intervening in Northern Ireland in response to the persecution of Ulster Catholics. Since then Ulster Catholics had seen their homes taken and bulldozed, had been separated from their wives and families and imprisoned without trial, had been the victims of lynchings at the hands of loyalist mobs and, if the accounts emerging from the refugee camps were to be believed, many had been murdered and buried in mass graves by British forces. Lynch was willing to go to any length to prevent British troops carrying out similar atrocities on Irish soil, indeed, as he said in he speech to the Dail on the 20th November, if circumstances allowed he would be happy to push onto Belfast and free all of Ireland from British rule.
The Irish army numbered 8,500 as of November 1979. In contrast the British army presence in Ulster stood at 26,000, with the potential for large reinforcements given the gradual downgrading of Britain's NATO commitments elsewhere in Europe. Lynch could not hope to win an all-out conflict, rather the initial phase of the conflict consisted of a fighting retreat by Irish forces in the face of superior British forces. Irish forces withdrew towards Dundalk, Sligo and Letterkenny as the British troops established control of the “security zone”, Letterkenny fell to British troops on the 27th November as 400 troops surrendered to the British. Dundalk followed on the 28th as Irish troops fell back to Drogheda.
As the Irish army retreated Lynch frantically attempted to court international support...
From “Ireland and the Price of Neutrality: Small State Diplomacy in the Reagan Era”;, P.Williams in the Harvard Journal of International Relations (Vol.42, No.2, 1987)
Lynch's attempts at securing international support were ultimately to prove futile. The European Community, eager to court the Republic and only too happy to undermine the authoritarian regime they found on their doorstep, immediately condemned the British Government and introduced targeted trade sanctions. The French in particular were instrumental in marshalling anti-British feeling in the United Nations, leading the futile but symbolic attempt to pass a critical motion through the UN security council.
The French motion condemned British aggression and called for an international mediating force to take over the administration of Ulster. While it received the support of the USA and nine other members of the security council, the British veto made it impossible for the motion to be passed. Ironically, the Commonwealth actually came closer to acting against Powell; an attempt to have the UK suspended from the Commonwealth for its “neo-colonial aggression” led by Dr Hastings Banda and with the support of many of the post-independence African leaders was eventually defeated by the Old Commonwealth members, who begrudgingly succeeding in passing an alternative motion hoping for a peaceful settlement.
European trade sanctions were not immediately effective. The UK's more important market, the Commonwealth, were unwilling to adopt expensive economic sanctions over an issue that did not affect national interests. The highly limited economic sanctions introduced my the USA were designed more to assuage US domestic opinion, and were highly marginal in their effect. Similarly, while many countries expressed their sympathy to Ireland, few were willing to to take action. Ireland have any economic resources to warrant international interest and as a neutral country they could not expect support from either of the superpowers, the USA, while hostile to the Powell regime did not wish to permanently close the door on the UK, while the USSR was hopeful of benefiting from the increasing breakdown of the Anglo-American relationship. While the international community expressed concern, Lynch was ultimately offered only excuses and hand-wringing. Ireland was on its own.
From “Anglo-American Relations under Enoch Powell: The Fall of the Special Relationship” by S.Jones, "Journal of Politics & International Relations (Vol.3, No.3, 1987)
Events in Northern Ireland had put the Anglo-American special relationship under increasing strain and added to the tensions already evident as a result of UK's downgrading of its NATO commitments, and continuing US feelings of betrayal over the UK's effective abandonment of their nuclear defence. The outbreak of warfare in Northern Ireland served to escalate this break down in relations. The US Government imposed targeted trade sanctions, including banning the import of Scotch whisky. While these sanctions were very minor in economic terms, they had an important psychological effect on the relationship between Britain and the USA, as did the increasingly anti-Powellite rhetoric from US governmental figures. The image broadcast across the globe was that the USA was no longer a friend of the British Government.