What If Gordon Banks Had Played, Part 19

From “A Woman's Place: An Autobiography”, by Margaret Thatcher (HarperCollins, 1989)

After the passing of the Murder (Capital Punishment) Act of 1977 and the Murder (Amendment) Act 1979 which extended the death penalty to murders unconnected with terrorism, one of the tasks that fell to me as Home Secretary was the use of the royal prerogative of mercy. Royal Prerogatives — those powers which remain in the hands of the monarch — in practice devolve upon members of the Government, and as Home Secretary I was the final appeal for those facing the death penalty.

Immediately prior to the execution of any convicted murderer I would inevitably be contacted by their solicitor, and often their family and supporters, with appeals to commute their sentences to life imprisonment. These were often highly emotional affairs and it was often a challenge for me to remain focused upon their crimes and not be swayed by emotional blackmail. I had to remind myself that these were terrorist killers, who had deliberately murdered women and children for their own political gain. During my time as Home Secretary 1,278 convicted murderers made appeals for clemency. I rejected all of them.

From “Making Sense of the Troubles”, J. McCrittrick (Blackstaff, 1999)

The outbreak of hostilities between Britain and Eire brought the terrorism situation to a new low. Unable to retaliate militarily Jack Lynch called upon Irish citizens in occupied areas to back a campaign of civil disobedience, and this was coupled with the supply of arms and funds to dissident groups within Ulster. Given the recent atrocities the Irish Republic was unwilling to risk the sympathy it had gained within the international community by openly associating itself with the Provisional IRA, and their funding was both covert and directed only towards a resurrected *Official IRA, which would utilise it only to attack British military installations.

The resurrected *Official IRA had no connection to the earlier Official IRA. While the OIRA and PIRA had acted as rivals and engaged in sometimes deadly turf wars, the *OIRA was to most intents and purposes identical to the PIRA. The two organisations shared the same participants and freely exchanged funds and armaments, the main difference being the restriction of *OIRA activity to Ulster and occupied Ireland, in contrast to PIRA activity on the mainland.

While the co-operation between the two organisations was transparently obvious to most observers (and constantly highlighted by the Powell Government) supporters of Ireland, including much of the international media, willingly played along with the charade, allowing them to differentiate between the “freedom fighters” they now supported and the “terrorists” they had previously condemned.

Irish immigrant populations in Catholic areas of Liverpool, Manchester and Glasgow proved to be fertile recruiting grounds for the IRA and with a wide pool of willing recruits on the mainland, and a reliable supply of funds and armaments terrorist activity on the mainland entered a new, and more serious phase. Whereas British intelligence sources believe there were normally around four active IRA units on the mainland at any one time prior to 1979, after the outbreak of hostilities between the UK and Ireland there were often several units working in each major city. Firebomb attacks on police stations, Conservative Party offices and facilities utilised by the military became commonplace, as did the assassination of police chiefs and minor politicians. Some areas of the mainland, including Wishaw & Shotts in Lanarkshire, Digbeth in Birmingham, Ancoats in Manchester and several parts of Liverpool became no-go areas for civilian police. Casualties from terrorist activity on the mainland in the three months from November 1979 are estimated at 1,211.

Far right groups sprang up in opposition to the IRA on the mainland, most notably in protestant areas of Glasgow and Liverpool where there was a history of sectarianism. The most notable was the League of St George, led by Leslie Vaughan, which orchestrated anti-Catholic and Irish marches through Catholic areas, which inevitably lead to violent confrontation. The League of St George was also thought responsible for widespread violence and intimidation against Irish families, attacks upon Irish community centres and catholic church and violent attacks upon Catholic civilians.

12 January 1980, HMP Lincoln

Prisoner Peter Hain DS2319 faced his solicitor across the plastic table in the bare room. “As you solicitor I can only advise you to admit your guilt and express remorse. Whether it is true or not, you will get keep on getting turned down for parole unless they think have have expressed remorse for your crime.”

“I didn't do it though. It was a stitch up.”

“Frankly, Peter, that's irrelevant. Your choice is admit it, and get out now, or serve another two years in here.”

“It's a matter of principle. It was a South African frame-up.”

“Is it a principle that's worth two years of freedom?”

“Yes.”

“Good,” his solicitor said with a smile. “I happen to think so too. I need to make sure that you understand the effects of your actions though.”

Hain and his solicitor finished their discussions and Hain was lead back into the main prison, the heavy steel gates banging shut behind him. Hain trudged up the metal staircase to his double cell, which he shared with three other prisoners. As he reached the door he found three burly inmates blocking his passage. “Get out of here, Hain. There's nothing here for you to see.” Hain turned on his heel and walked back down the staircase. From behind the men he could scuffling and muffled cries for help. They found the body of one of his cellmates, Robert Sands HW2311, an hour later, his eyes gouged out and his neck broken.

From “Enoch the Dread”, by Martin Amis (Cape, 2002)

The first moment I became aware of what was happening to Britain was when was the police turned up at the offices of the New Statesman in 1977, brandishing a court order. They were apologetic as they asked us to leave and plastered police tape across the closed door of the office, leaving James Fenton, Christopher Hitchens and I standing on the corner of the pavement. “I told you so Mart,” the Hitch said to me as the police car drove away.

And of course he had, regularly, repetitively, constantly. In the 1970s it was de rigeur for the left to describe anyone to the right of themselves as a fascist. My father was a fascist; Robert Conquest was a fascist. The police, it goes without saying, were fascists.

The Hitch was also wrong. Hopelessly wrong. While Kingsley would happily sit in the Garrick club and talk of lining up traffic wardens before the firing squad, he would never actually do it. If we had refused to leave our offices were may have been arrested, but we would not have turned up in a mass grave, at least not in 1977.

If the left's definition of where fascism begins is wrong, as it must be, where does one draw the line. Is a regime that kills one person fascist? What about ten? A hundred? A thousand? If one death is a tragedy and a million a statistic, where is the dividing line? At what point did Powell's Government stop being a legitimate Government straining under the pressure of terrorism and become a monster?

As Home Secretary Margaret Thatcher boasted that she had signed death warrants for 1,278 people. Would this be enough to make a government evil? What about those who died in the “holding camps” in Ulster? There are no figures for their number. Powell's Government said they were trying to escape, but when the mass graves were exhumed they found amongst the adult skeletons the bodies of children. They shot children trying to escape...

Second Report of the Denning Commission (1988). Transcript of the evidence of Sir Larry Lamb.

MM: You were not aware that your newspapers coverage would serve to fuel
anti-Irish hatred?

LL: No. I don't think my newspaper did that.

MM: I see. From 1978 you ran a feature called “Fenian Scum of the Day”,
featuring pictures of alleged IRA members along with the slogan "hang them
high". Is that correct?

LL: Yes.

MM: Was that not stirring up anti-Irish feeling?

LL: These weren't just normal Irish men and women. These were wanted
terrorists. They were scum.

MM: Fenian scum?

LL: It was a word in common usage at the time.

MM: In the offices of the Sun?

23rd January 1980, Ministry of Defence

“I have the Officer Commanding in Manchester on the line Secretary of State.”

Alan Clark picked up the receiver. “Sir Peter. What can I do?” Clark leaned back in his chair as he listened to the General. “Well of course you can use live ammo, what on earth do you think you're doing there? If the Prime Minister didn't expect you to use live ammo then he'd be letting the bloody plods do the job.” Clark paused again. “Yes. I heard you perfectly clearly, Sir Peter. Civilian targets. You have my permission.”

From “Dealing with Refugees in Western Europe: The Experiences of the Irish Diaspora”, N.MacColl from International Journal of Human Rights (1985, Vol.12, No.2)

It is estimated that around sixty percent of the Irish population of Great Britain fled during November and December 1979 and the first six months of 1980. With scheduled flights and ferry services to the Irish Republic suspended, most travelled via France. The main destinations of Irish refugees were the Republic of Ireland itself, and the United States, which received over 50,000 Irish refugees after President Reagan came under pressure to offer assistance to those fleeing the conflict in the British Isles.

From “An Unhappy Juncture: The Powell Government” by Anthony Selsdon (HarperCollins, 1988)

The outflow of Irish residents from the UK and the gradually increasing take-up of voluntary repatriation grants for New Commonwealth immigrants, coupled with the pre-existing labour shortage began to lead to serious economic problems at the beginning of 1980. Increased recruitment into the army further reduced the civilian labour pool. The labour shortage, coupled with increased taxes to pay for security, the reduction of incoming investment, trade sanctions and the economic damage caused by terrorism (not only physical damage, but the negative effect on consumer confidence) pushed the UK into a full blown recession by the first quarter of 1980. Powell's popularity had been based upon economic success and the promise to protect the British people from anarchy and terrorism, it now seemed he was failing on both counts.

24th January 1980, BBC1 by-election coverage 00.12am

"You join us here in Liverpool for the results of the Liverpool Garston by-election. The election was precipitated by the tragic assassination of Conservative MP George Thornton last month. Voting has been brisk all day, and it looks as though there has been a good turnout. There has been some violence, especially in the Speke area, but there has been a heavy army presence protecting polling stations all day, and there have only been two arrests.

“We're just seeing the returning officer assembling the candidates on the stage. We've seen a further splintering of the Labour vote during this by-election campaign, there were in fact three Labour candidates, all claiming to represent the genuine Labour party. In addition to that we saw several far-left candidates. This was a Labour seat until the 1977 election, and there are parts of the constituency, particularly the Speke estate, that are vehemently anti-Powell and where there has been considerable violence during recent weeks. We're expecting the split in the Labour vote, and the continuing threat of violence from the IRA in Liverpool to see the Conservative candidate returned though.”

“The returning officer is coming to the front of the stage and is about to announce the result.”

Baber, Geoffrey (Conservative & Unionist) — 17,423 votes
Boaks, William (Public Safety White Resident Democratic Monarchist) — 7 votes
Davison, Wilfred (Liberal) — 945 votes
Kaufman, Gerald (Labour — Rees) — 6,687 votes
Kelly, Terence (Workers Revolutionary) — 323 votes
Loyden, Eddie (Labour — Bennite) — 10,147 votes
Megaw, Stephen (Protestant Loyalist) — 93 votes
Fields, Terry (Socialist Labour) — 3,911 votes
O'Hara, Roger (Communist) — 526 votes
Smith, Philip (Independent) — 31 votes
Sutch, David (Monster Raving Loony) — 208 votes

...

“The trumpet blows its shrill and final blast! Prepared for war and battle here we stand.”

...

Airey Neave looked solemnly around the cabinet, gathered under Whitehall in the series of bunkers that formed the centre of government in any time of crisis. They looked nervous, from the strident Margaret Thatcher, deliberately seated two along from Powell behind the bulk of Willie Whitelaw where didn't have to look at her, past the skeletal and wheelchair bound Norman Tebbit, the tired face of John Nott, the bulbous Nigel Lawson, sheepish Geoffrey Howe, now Lord Chancellor, a brooding Peter Tapsell, all the way round past Cecil Parkinson's worried visage, the abrasive Nick Ridley, the hunched presence of Richard Body and the pugnacious gargoyle of Teddy Taylor to the twitching Keith Joseph and finally Powell himself, the tension visible in his jaw as he eyeballed the rest of the cabinet. The only man who looked even vaguely relaxed was Alan Clark, lounging on the opposite side of the table.

“If we can begin,” Powell said finally. “I have called this meeting to discuss the deteriorating situation ahead of our regular meeting on Thursday. You will be aware that in certain urban areas we are at risk of losing control. Last week it became necessary for troops to use live ammunition against civilian targets when they came under sustained and extremely violent attack in Manchester. This resulted in twenty-six civilian casualties.”

There was a sharp intake of breath from the more junior members of the cabinet who had, until now, been unaware of the shooting. Powell continued, “Naturally the press were prevented from reporting the incident, but there are, as ever, limits to the extent to which we can control the dissemination of information. Certainly the security situation in Manchester has deteriorated further.”

“Who is orchestrating this?” John Nott said, the concern showing on his face. “Is it just the IRA or? Who is the enemy?”

“Not just the IRA,” Neave said firmly. “Obviously republican and catholic paramilitary groups — mainly either IRA or IRA front organisation are a large part, but they are also funding and encouraging other leftist groups to stir up trouble. On top of that, there is a growing threat from unconnected home grown leftist and Trotskyite groups.”

“The reds then?” said Tebbit.

“I have spoken to the head of MI6 this morning,” Powell said. “The different groupings are intricately interlinked. As well as republican groups orchestrated by the IRA, there are 'community action groups' — essentially organised mobs — springing up both through third party orchestration and independently. There are groups supposedly coming together to protect communities against the police, who in effect are preventing the security forces from maintaining law and order, and other groups who claim to be protecting local communities from the threat caused by republican groups, but who are in practice extending rob rule and causing street violence when they meet with opposing groups. The most worrying groups are the League of St George, who are actively attacking households in Irish Catholic areas. In addition there are, as Airey has said, dedicated anti-government groups built around of core of anarchists and Trotskyites. The streets in most urban areas are increasingly passing out of our control.”

“Something must be done then,” Mrs Thatcher cried.

“The troops are already deployed in a passive role in most cities,” Alan Clark said, leaning forward across the table. “Given the orders we can begin to institute curfews and start the internment of known troublemakers. There's certainly a case for imposing martial law in some urban areas.”

“We need to be careful,” Geoffrey Howe said nervously from the end of the table. “How far do we go to impose control. If there is that much opposition shouldn't we at some point sit back and try to work out what we are doing wrong. You can't just stamp on opposition and expect it to go away.”

“It'll go away if you shoot it,” Clark drawled.

“This is absurd,” John Nott said, half rising from the table. “We can't shoot people for opposing us. This isn't some sort of fascist state. We are losing contact with reality.”

“It wasn't a serious suggestion,” Neave said quickly, though the look on Alan Clark's face told a different story. “The fact is that we are at war with a terrorist organisation who are happy to utilise civilians both as combatants and as propaganda victims, and we have a very substantial portion of the population who through nationality or religion are sympathetic towards that cause. On top of that other sections of the population have lost their faith in the ability of the state to protect them from violence to such an extent that they are arming themselves. If we are to control the first group, and regain the trust of the second group we are going to have to take very harsh measures. While Alan makes a flippant point, the underlying reality is that in some cases it is going to be necessary to use live ammunition to maintain order, and there are going to be civilian casualties.”

“We are treading a very worrying path though,” Howe continued.

“There is no choice Geoffrey,” Mrs Thatcher shrilled. “If the choice is between cracking down on the terrorists, thugs and communists who are threatening us and standing up for ordinary decent hardworking people, or giving in to the tyranny of the mob then I for one have no qualms. The alternative would be to give in to terrorism and that we can never do!”

Powell looked pained. “We must make our choice. To prevaricate can only do us harm. To restrict freedom gives me no pleasure, but I can see no other course of action. Mr Neave is correct — we need to tighten security. The Secretary of State for Defence,” he nodded towards Clark, “will draw up the necessary documents to enforce martial law in the cities and Mr Biffen can call a meeting of the Privy Council at eight to put the necessary measures in place.”

“The King is in Balmoral,” Biffen said.

“I am sure he will return.” Powell looked around at the members of the cabinet, each of them staring blankly down at the desk. John Nott had his head in his hands. The only eyes that met Powell's own were those of Airey Neave and Alan Clark.

“About the press?” Cecil Parkinson began.

“It is in hand,” Clark said. “New D-notices have gone out. Anything liable to undermine the morale of the public will be restricted. We're confident they will be obeyed.”

“We went over the editors heads,” Thatcher continued. “The proprietors were not keen on having their investments confiscated.” Keith Joseph shook his head slightly. “It is not the way we would like it, but it is necessary,” Thatcher said.

“We need to decide how to deal with the groups,” Neave said. “There's no point keeping a lid on protests if we don't get rid of those orchestrating them.”

“We cannot ride roughshod over every right,” Howe said. “Surely there must be something we regard as sacred?”

Neave ignored him. “I suggest that we begin the internment of those organising protests. Try and break down any organised paramilitary or violent organisations.”

Howe let his hands fall to the table, the slap drawing the attention of the room. “Why don't we just ban the opposition parties? Why not just ban elections.” Neave gave him a look of extreme exasperation.

“It's kill or be killed,” he said coldly. “The IRA didn't consider such niceties when they killed two hundred odd people.”

“There is always a choice. If we are that unpopular why not call an election? Call for support. We would win wouldn't we?”

Willie Whitelaw looked up from the opposite end of the table. “Yes, yes. Private polling shows the approval ratings plummeting, but we are still ahead in voting intentions. No opposition you see.”

“These People,” Mrs Thatcher spat. “These People don't care about elections. They don't care about us having the greatest mandate any British government has ever had. If we called an election we would win, and they would go straight on rioting. Or, God forbid, the alternative. Socialists. Benn and his ilk. We owe it to the country to remain in power Geoffrey.”

“There is always a choice.”

“No,” Airey Neave said, a smile suddenly appearing on his face. “We made our choice a long time ago. There are no concessions or peace talks to be had now — it's far too late. It is a fight to death, pure and simple.”

“Geoffrey,” Mrs Thatcher said, leaning forward to stare down the table at the Lord Chancellor. “What would you have us do? Stand by and let the country descend into anarchy? We all know what measures are necessary to contain this terrorism, this barbarism,” Thatcher spat the words out like curses. “We know what we need to do, the question is whether we have the courage to follow it through.”

The cabinet looked towards Powell, sat silently at the centre of the table. “We have no choice,” he said grimly. “It is our duty to stand and fight.” He looked round at the nervous faces that filled the room. “We shall take a vote, Sir Keith?” he pointed one finger at the Chancellor, who stared at it as if it were a loaded weapon. Finally he nodded his agreement. “Mr Taylor?”

Teddy Taylor signalled his agreement and Powell continued around the table, each ashen faced minister signalling their assent save Lord Howe, who shook his head and waved the Prime Minister's accusatory finger onwards. Powell glared at him, but continued. “We are agreed,” he said finally, and rose unsteadily to his feet.

As Howe went to leave his passage was blocked by Neave. “What now?”

“I'll be resigning I expect,” the Lord Chancellor said glumly. “I can't do this. I can't.”

“For family reasons? Ian will draft a letter for you.” Howe opened his mouth to speak, Neave shook his head. “Family reasons, Geoffrey. Just leave it at that. Absent friends, you know?”

Lord Howe stared at him, and ambled away down the corridor. His resignation was announced the next day, for “personal reasons.”