What If Gordon Banks Had Played, Part 11

From “The Westminster Bombing as a Media Icon” by S. Stevenson, Journal of Media Studies (Spring 1983)

Seven years after the bombing of the Palace of Westminster it is possible to identify images from its aftermath that have become permanent icons in the British media, not only the apocalyptic images of smoke and flames rising around the smog-blackened St. Stephen's Tower, “Big Ben” in common parlance, but also the harrowing pictures of seriously injured politicians being carried from the wreckage. The juxtaposition of figures who the public were used to seeing in neat suits within cosseted studios, within the the trauma of the bombing created a permanent impression, particularly the images of the severely wounded Norman Tebbit and of Michael Foot, who would later die in hospital, being stretchered from the rubble.

From “Difficult Times. Diaries 1974-1980.” by Tony Benn (Arrow, 1984)

22nd January 1977. The news is so momentous I hardly know where to begin. If one pokes a sleeping dog enough times it shall eventually turn and bite and it is clear that Powell has pushed Northern Ireland too far. This morning he sent the tanks into West Belfast, a disgraceful act, ordering troops to use force against women and children and he must bear some responsibility for the terror that happened later today. Dennis at least seemed ready to hold the government to account over this disgrace.

The bomb struck a few minutes into Question Time and blew the wall out behind us, crushing those on the rear bench. I was seated on the front bench beside the Speaker's chair and everyone rose and fled almost as one, pushing and fighting to get through the doors. The Speaker remained in his chair, like a captain on a sinking ship. It was a very dignified end and he deserves our admiration. We were all evacuated into Parliament Square, with the wounded being treated on the grass in New Palace Yard. As I arrived a second bomb went off in one of the ambulances attending. Though the people responsible have seen sorely provoked it is still reprehensible.

The police let the MPs go almost immediately, fearful I suppose of further explosions, and we went to Transport House. The staff in Dennis's office were distraught when we arrived and it was immediately apparent what had happened. We — myself, Tony Crosland, Eric Heffer, Roy Jenkins and other members of the Shadow Cabinet — gathered in Joan Lester's office to await news. It was a morbid evening. Michael (Foot) and Jim (Callaghan) are both in Intensive Care and they think it unlikely that Michael will regain consciousness. Apart from Dennis, Stan Orme is dead, as are Bob Mellish and Roy Hattersley. Joan forced herself to draw up a list of the names as the news trickled in. The new MPs were the most heartbreaking — Bob Cryer, James Callaghan, Peter Snape, Brian Sedgemore, Robert Kilroy-Silk. Tony was looking at death's door himself — pale and drawn. At around 6 o'clock he announced he was going home. He staggered as he left and looked ready to collapse.

23rd January 1977. Overnight Michael Foot died. The figure for casualties stands at 194, including 144 MPs: 4 SNP, 3 Liberals, 2 National Conservatives, 27 Conservatives, 1 SDLP, 106 Labour MPs and the Speaker. Powell gave an impassioned address on the television last night, repeated on all the channels, his eyes were almost hypnotic. There was of course no hint of an apology for provoking the whole terrible affair, only a promise of more bloodshed.

Without Dennis and Michael the party is without a leader at a time of national crisis. Somebody has to oppose Powell's Government and we need a leader immediately. Joan Lester, as Chairman of the Party, has taken control of Transport House and called an emergency NEC meeting this afternoon. Considering the short notice the meeting was well-attended — the Union members were all present and we starting by having a minutes silence for those who should have been attending. The first matter was the question of the leadership. There was a brief discussion of appointing a leader by acclamation — such was the current crisis. This would be an unforgivable betrayal of democracy and it was thankfully defeated. A further consideration was whether or not we should wait until the by-elections had been resolved before electing a new leader. We all thought it would be an unacceptable delay and that nominations should be opened immediately. Finally we had to appoint an interim leader. The options were limited, while Joan had given a creditable performance in the twenty-four hours since the attack we needed someone with more experience. Jim Callaghan was perhaps the obvious choice, but his condition remained critical, while no one wanted to put an Earl in charge of a Socialist Party by recalling Harold. Several of the NEC suggested I be appointed interim leader, but there were also voices putting forward Roy Jenkins and Tony Crosland. The meeting sadly descended into farce with people throwing comments about the fairness and legality of a vote and all three motions to make Roy, Tony or myself leader were defeated. The meeting adjourned without appointing an interim leader.

From “Making Sense of the Troubles”, J. McCrittrick (Blackstaff, 1999)

News of the Westminster bombed halted the offensive in Belfast only briefly. When British troops began advancing again they did so with a new ferocity. Casualty figures for the retaking of West Belfast are unreliable — press reports of any civilian casualties were strictly censored and Government records remain secret under a 100-year disclosure rule. Republican sources claim casualties amongst the civilian population reached several thousand and there is widespread anecdotal evidence of atrocities committed by troops as they advanced through Belfast. The British Government has consistently rejected such claims, blaming them on a mixture of terrorist propaganda and the result of the IRA torturing those they deemed “collaborators”.

Three temporary refugee camps were set up on the outskirts of Belfast to receive civilians removed from West Belfast. An attempted breakout from the third camp on the night of 24th January was put down with unparalleled severity by British troops, who according to Republican sources used automatic weaponry to gun down those attempting to escape, including women and children. The British Government again denies any such activity, claiming that minimum force necessary was used to protect the camp from a small number of saboteurs. Republican sources claim 348 people were killed in the escape bid. The British Government say 23 were killed. Again the truth is unclear.

The Falls Road area of Belfast was systematically bulldozed between 24th — 30th January, until several demolition workers were killed by booby traps left by paramilitaries. Work resumed after the army has swept the area for explosives, and by mid-February the whole of the Falls Road area had been demolished.

From “A Woman's Place: An Autobiography”, by Margaret Thatcher (HarperCollins, 1989)

Denis brought me home from the hospital at around two in the morning and I managed to take around six hours sleep before hurrying back to Westminster. There were immediate problems to be dealt with before the Government could begin responding to the attack, the Commons chamber had been destroyed and MPs were forced to meet in the Lords Chamber, while the peers met in the Royal Robing Room. The Speaker, Oscar Murton, had been killed in the blast, valiantly remaining in the chamber to help marshal people from the Chamber, and the Commons selected his replacement, Godman Irvine, in a short and muted meeting on Friday morning. There was also the morbid task of a cabinet reshuffle — Humphrey Atkin and Robin Chichester-Clark were both causalities and Norman Tebbit's injuries were such that he would not be able to serve in cabinet for several months. Enoch called me to Downing Street at around half-past nine and told me that he did not think it appropriate to conduct a full reshuffle at this time. He did not expect there to be many calls on me in my Social Security role during the current emergency and asked me to combine it with my previous role as Leader of the House of Commons. There was going to be a large amount of emergency legislation and Enoch wanted an experienced hand in charge of its passage through the House. While I had been happy to leave my role as Leader of the House at the last reshuffle I could appreciate Enoch's reasoning and was happy to accept. Nicholas Ridley was moved to Transport as a temporary replacement for Norman Tebbit, while Cecil Parkinson was promoted to the cabinet in charge of Education. Nicholas's old portfolio of employment was given to Patrick Jenkin, while the Trade & Industry portfolios were combined under John Biffen.

I was also surprised to be invited the join Enoch's “war cabinet”. Enoch had always been very cold towards me and I was often of the opinion that it was only Keith's support that had ensured my continued participation in Government, however Enoch was clear that he needed the Leader of the Commons in the “war cabinet”.

23rd January 1977 — COBRA

“The situation is that we still have six active IRA units on the mainland at least, and they are clearly prepared to kill large numbers of civilians. The army have effectively shut down the area around Parliament and we have troops on the streets in major cities,” Willie Whitelaw began authoritatively.

John Nott intervened, “We are drawing troops out of Germany and Cyprus to ensure we have sufficient numbers available. Another 10,000 are being sent into Northern Ireland tonight.”

Whitelaw continued. “We have placed reporting restrictions on all media outlets to make sure that the IRA do not win any media coups — there are obviously going to be harsh decisions in future days and we don't want the terrorists milking them for media sympathy.”

“What about the foreign media?” Margaret Thatcher interrupted.

“It is something we need to consider,” Geoffrey Howe, the Foreign Secretary, replied. “We do need to consider the foreign reaction to our actions in Ulster. Obviously the attack on Parliament has given us a great deal of sympathy, but the Irish Government are still talking about raising it at the UN. We have to bear in mind the reaction of Ireland and the US — Kennedy is defeated but he can still kick up a fuss. If the IRA manage to portray us badly in the foreign media then we could eventually have to worry about foreign Governments turning against us due to domestic pressures.”

“What do you propose, Foreign Secretary?” asked Powell.

“I am meeting with the Irish foreign minister this afternoon, we are unlikely to be able to win them over but I hope that we shall at least be able to dissuade them kicking up a fuss in the UN. After that we should make every effort to keep the Americans onside. If they turn against us it could mean one hell of a lot of funding for the IRA. If the US public turn against us to the extent that the US Government act — they could bring the Government down.”

“Never,” Powell murmured. “There will be no repeat of Suez under my administration,” he turned away from Howe as he turned his back upon an unpalatable truth. “The situation in Ulster, Secretary of State.”

Neave scratched his head nervously. “Initial summary is 'not good'. Resistance has been broken in West Belfast, the rest of the province is in chaos though. Law and order seems to have broken down entirely in Londonderry — the city is controlled either by the IRA or by armed loyalist mobs — in the countryside our army positions are under siege. Once the new troops are in place we can begin to move out from Belfast and County Down, but the troops aren't enough. Once we have recaptured areas we need the tools to retain order.”

“I will not sanction any emergency powers that are limited to Ulster,” Powell said sternly. “Treating Northern Ireland differently from Great Britain merely gives the impression to the terrorists that we do not regard Ulster as an integral part of the United Kingdom. Any measures must apply uniformly throughout the country.”

Whitelaw spoke. “I have my civil servants drawing up emergency powers legislation as we speak. It gives the police powers of search and to seize property and assets they believe are connected with terrorist activity, it extends the period that suspects can be held without charge to seven days — or for terrorist suspects an unlimited length of time with appropriate judicial review.” Whitelaw adjusted his glasses on his nose and continued reading the list in front of him. “It introduces fast-track non-jury trials for terrorist suspects, and adjusts the rules to allow hearsay evidence and evidence gathered by the secret services to be admissible in such cases. It sets up a legal framework for curfew powers and for the introduction of compulsory ID cards; it gives the police increased powers to break up disturbances and assemblies that are deemed perilous to national security.”

Whitelaw paused to turn the page, looking around at his colleagues over the top of his glasses. “It makes membership of certain proscribed organisations a criminal offence punishable by up to ten years imprisonment — that includes the IRA and splinter organisations though the Government can add additional organisations through orders in council. There is an open ended clause at the end as well, giving the Secretary of State the power to pass other anti-terrorist measures through orders in council if necessary.”

“Isn't that a bit harsh, Willie?” Geoffrey Howe said eventually.

Whitelaw took his glasses off, “Sounds so when you list it like that. Most of these things are never going to be used and in any case it is only during a state of emergency. They're only intended to be actually used in Ulster, but as Enoch says, the principle of the matter is that there must be equal treatment across the country.”

“When can you have it ready?” Powell asked.

“Well,” Whitelaw sighed. “We can put it through first reading tonight. The draft legislation can be ready for tomorrow so if Margaret can timetable a second reading...”

Thatcher nodded, “I'll do that. John Biggs-Davidson spoke to me immediately before the meeting. He says that the backbenches are very keen on having a vote on capital punishment during the passage of the Bill.” The war cabinet looked uneasily around the table, trying to avoid Powell's eyes.

“As you will be aware,” Powell said eventually, “I have consistently voted against the death penalty. I do not though have any over-riding moral objection to its use, only that it does not work.”

“It is most effective in preventing re-offending,” Thatcher said stridently. Powell glared icily towards her seat, at the furthest end of the table from Powell himself.

“That is a flippant comment. The abolition of hospitals would be most effective in removing hospital waiting lists,” he turned away from the Leader of the House and continued to speak. “I have no innate moral objection. I do not believe that there is a need for its re-introduction, but if the House desires it I shall not stand in its way. We are all equals in the House, at least.”

“I shall pencil in a vote,” Thatcher said, smiling to herself. Powell gain her another icy glare.

“There is also the issue of the forthcoming by-elections,” Whitelaw said. “I have taken the liberty of including some clauses in the new Bill giving the army powers to ensure a free election, should they be necessary, but we need to decide how we are going to deal with them. Are we going to precipitate them as soon as possible, are we even going to contest them — if so under what banner?”

“There is no immediate hurry to fill the vacancies,” Powell said. “As I understand it the Labour Party are in no fit state to contest the by-elections anyway. I am reliably informed that this morning's NEC meeting was unable even to decide upon an interim leader.”

“Is it worth inviting them to join a National Government?” Howe asked. Powell looked displeased.

“Absolutely not!” Margaret Thatcher screeched from the end of the table. “The Conservative Party itself is perfectly capable of representing the public on this issue. The last thing we need is socialists in Government at a time of crisis.”

“We shall consider our options,” Powell said eventually. “There may be some merit in co-opting certain members of the Labour Party. My instinct though is that there is not currently any need for such measures.”

From “The Tories — the Conservative Party and the Nation State 1922-1998” by the Rt Hon Alan Clark (HarperCollins, 2000)

On Friday 23rd January Powell had to leave Downing Street and give an emergency statement to MPs, now safely established in the House of Lords chamber, on the bombing and the situation in Northern Ireland. Already a large crowd had assembled behind the police barriers outside Downing Street. As the Prime Minister emerged from the door of Number 10 there was a smattering of boos. The crowd were furious at the humiliation inflicted upon Britain by the terrorists. “Go on, Enoch, give them hell”; “What are you waiting for?”; “String 'em up”; and so on. The BBC tape of this episode is not often seen. But it must remain on archive as a valuable reminder of what will have been uppermost in the Prime Minister's mind as he made the very short motor journey from Downing Street to the Palace of Westminster.

23rd January 1977

“The Prime Minister!” Speaker Irvine bellowed.

Powell glared malevolently around the House as he waited for quiet. His entry five minutes earlier had been greeted by a bizarre muted cheer, as if MPs were certain whether to be sombre or enraged.

"Mr Speaker. This is printed upon the order paper as a statement upon yesterdays bombing. I shall not bore the House with details of yesterdays atrocity, there are enough details in the media today, and I am sure that my colleagues in the House have more than enough personal experience of yesterday's horrors. There will no doubt be inquiries into security and security failings in future weeks. Neither shall I detain you with poetic words about our fallen comrades. There is a time for poetry once the guns have fallen silent. One hundred and ninety-five brave men and women died as a result of yesterday's atrocity and there will be time to sing praises to their bravery and duty, but now is not that time. Today I am here only to give this House my solemn vow that her Majesty's Government will take every step possible, strain every nerve and sinew to track down and punish those responsible, to destroy the organisations they represent, to crush those who would give them support and succour. The stone walls of this Palace, so cruelly shattered, are the very cradle of Parliamentary democracy and we shall not forget the insult against this Parliament and against democracy itself. There shall be no rest and no respite until this enemy is vanquished.

“My honourable friend the Home Secretary is already drawing up legislation, to be presented to the House later today, that will provide the police and the armed forces with the tools necessary to put an end to this threat. My colleague, the Secretary of State for Defence is, as I speak, organising the transport of troops from Germany into Northern Ireland. This time there will be no appeasement, no secret talks or accommodations, no weasel words or surrender. Anything less than total victory would be a betrayal of this House, of this country and of the British people.”

The Conservative benches erupted in a frenzy of order papers and hear-hears. It was a cathartic release of a day's grief and anger, as the Conservative MPs discovered within themselves the confidence to be blackly and murderously furious.

“Order! Order! Mr Jenkins!”

The shadow Home Secretary rose to his feet. “Thank you Mr Speaker. It is with the deepest sadness that I weply to the Pwime Minister on behalf of the Official Opposition. I am sure the whole House will join with me in sending our condolences not only to the family of the Member for Leeds East, but to all of those who lost loved ones in yesterday's attack.” There was a murmur of agreement.

“Mr Speaker. There can be no one in this House who does not share the Pwime Minister's shock and outwage at the needless waste of life we witnessed yesterday. Acwoss the world people are in shock. While the Labour Party has had weservations over this Government's Northern Ireland policy, might I immediately offer our full backing to his anti-tewworist measures...” Jenkins' response was cut short suddenly by a rumble of discontent from the sparely attended Labour benches. “Shame!” came a cry from behind him.

“If I may continue,” Jenkins continued. “While we will look carefully at the Government's specific pwoposals, might I offer MY own full backing to the Government's anti-tewworist measures.” Jenkins could tell that choosing a new Labour leader was going to be a far from easy process...