What If Gordon Banks Had Played, Part 12
27th January 1977
After any disaster, there come the funerals. Almost by necessity they are relatively small affairs, those who had they lived to die quietly in their beds in senile old age would have received magnificent send offs thronged by the great and the good are instead interred in quiet humility, else the ruling classes are forced to spend weeks on end in a morbid series of funerals.
The sun shone weakly through the haze as Sir Ian Gilmour and Lord Carrington followed the coffin of Edward Heath MBE from Salisbury Cathedral. It had been a touching service, but the mood was one of sobriety, not sadness. Heath had not been one to inspire personal warmth and as the pallbearers loaded the coffin into the funeral cortege the conversation of those present turned to the political situation.
“It will be the making or breaking of Enoch of course,” Carrington said.
“He should not be there,” Gilmour said firmly. “At a time like this there should be a national Government of all parties, not a extremist right-wing cabal. Using the tragedy to push through almost dictatorial powers is utterly disgraceful — I mean, a return of the death penalty — but if you speak out again them you appear to be taking the side of the terrorists.” Carrington shrugged dejectedly. “We need,” Gilmour continued. “We need someone to build an alternative broad-based Government around, someone not overly associated with a political party — though one of us of course. Some one we can put forward as a leader at a time of crisis.”
“You're talking as if you have someone in mind.”
“Christopher Soames. A respected figure — a 'grandee' even, Churchill's son-in-law, untainted by recent unpleasantness. I've contacted him in Paris and he says he is willing to stand for us in the Bexley by-election” Carrington listened intently. “Apart from Mark Carlisle's seat, there are another seven or eight Conservative seats we could mount a reasonable challenge in, and a good twenty or so Labour seats that could be worth challenging for. The trick will be to find another other 'non-partisan' candidates. I've put out some feelers to Jeremy Thorpe as well to see if the Liberals will stand on a joint ticket. He hasn't even me a firm answer yet.”
“Hmm. What about Labour?”
“I spoke to David Owen, he expressed some interest in standing on a unified ticket; said it sounded appropriate. Without a Labour leader to talk to it's difficult to find out though. If Benn takes over he'd obvious not agree to it, but that might not stop other Labour MPs from joining us.”
“Probably encourage it actually,” Carrington said.
“Yes,” Gilmour nodded thoughtfully. “Interesting.”
Daily Telegraph 28th January 1977
“Sectarian Violence Sweeps Britain as Ulster Conflict Continues”
There were sporadic outbreaks of violence in Liverpool and Glasgow yesterday as sectarian tensions between Catholic and Protestant inhabitants turned into open conflict. Clashes in Glasgow apparently involved around 60 Catholics and 100 Protestants and at one point petrol bombs were thrown before the police successfully separated the two sides. Twelve people were hospitalised as a result of..."
“I'm afraid not,” said the man standing opposite George Gale's desk. “The Secretary of State would rather any sectarian violence on the mainland wasn't reported in the papers in case in inflames tensions further. I'm sure you'll understand.” The editor of the Daily Telegraph screwed the article up without comment.
29th January 1977
“Questions to the Prime Minister!”
“Number 1, Mr Speaker”
Powell stepped up to the heavy table that had been moved into the centre of the House of Lords chamber and laid his hands upon the replacement despatch boxes. “I have had meetings with ministerial colleges and others and in addition to my duties in the House will have more meetings later today.”
Nicholas Winterton sprang to his feet, “Can the Prime Minister assure me that, should those apprehended yesterday be found guilty in a court of law, that neither he nor the Home Secretary will stand in the way of the fulfilment of their full sentence, particularly in reference to the death sentence, something I sincerely hope will be used in this case.” Winterton sat down to thunderous cheers from the Conservative benches. A few hours earlier the police had announced the charging of four men in connection with the Westminster bombing. The Prime Minister again rose.
“My honourable friends will know that the particular matter is a subject for the courts, although I will take this opportunity to pay tribute to the police for their rapid action in this matter. On the wider issued raised by my honourable friend, as he will know, in the matter of clemency the Home Secretary acts in a judicial capacity and I can certainly assure the honourable member that I shall not seek to influence him in any decision.”
“Mr John Smith!”
The bespectacled member for Monklands East stepped nervously up to the despatch box. In the absence of both Leader and Deputy Leader the job of leading for the Opposition at Prime Minister's Question Time fell to the Shadow Leader of the House of Commons. The Shadow Leader of the House though was dead, and there was no leader to appoint a replacement, nor a Deputy Leader to fill the gap. In the absence of the Shadow Leader of the House, Speaker Irvine had called upon his deputy. Smith had been in the House but seven years, and his questions so-far had been mild-mannered and supportive, but beside him Roy Jenkins, Tony Crosland and Tony Benn repeatedly rose to their feet to catch the Speaker's Eye and take on the mantle of Leader of the Opposition. Smith mumbled two supportive questions about the minutiae of the new legislation before retaking his seat.
“Mr Jeremy Thorpe!”
Thorpe rose to his feet. In previous months his appearances at Question Time had been marred by lewd comments from the Conservative benches in regard of an unfortunate series of events with a former male model. The news had begun to grow stale though, and the new mood of national crisis had quietened the comments from the bench opposite. “Mr Speaker, would the Prime Minister agree that it is our duty to set an example to our terrorist enemies and to maintain a free country and a free press? The Prime Minister is rightly and, might I add, with the Liberal Party's wholehearted support, standing up to terrorism but to do so by weakening the freedoms of British subjects is no moral victory. Might I remind the Prime Minister that it is important not only that justice is done, but that it is seen to be done. That means fair trials, in public and before a jury.”
“I understand the honourable gentleman's concerns,” Powell began. “Indeed, I agree with them. There is a saying that true freedom is the freedom to starve. It would be equally valid to say that true freedom would be the freedom to be blown apart by terrorist bombs. I do not believe that the British people have any desire for that level of freedom.”
“Mr Tony Benn!”
“Thank you Mishter Speaker. The Prime Minishter has pushed a draconian Bill through the House of Commons, a House of Commons that does not represhent almost a quarter of the country. How were the people of Leeds East or Old Bexley and Shidcup shupposed to voice their concerns over the greatest attack upon British people's freedoms in living memory. That Bill has now completed its passhage through the Lords and is due to return to the Commons to vote on the Lords amendments. Mishter Speaker, might I ask the Prime Minishter to call a halt to this Bill at leasht until the necesshary by-elections have been moved and the new Members returned. It is appalling that such an attack on our freedoms should be carried out without it ever having been put before the British people in a manifeshto. Might I appeal to the Prime Minishter to go to the people on this matter and to ask them if they really want to shurrender their ancient freedoms to this power-crazed Government.”
“As the honourable gentleman will understand, the circumstances demanded immediate action. These powers are only available to the Government for the duration of the state of emergency. It is pure agitprop to try and paint it as a permanent diminution of public freedoms. I shall say again, these powers are necessary to fight the immediate threat of terrorism. They are a temporary measure and shall lapse once the state of emergency is concluded.”
“And when'll that be? At end of your thousand year Reich,” Dennis Skinner's voice yelled across the chamber. Powell glared menacingly at him as the Speaker called the next question.
“Mr Kevin McNamara!” McNamara was stood, a copy of the Irish Times clutched in his hand, the headline was clearly visible on the front page — Allegations of Massacre at Belfast Holding Camp. “Mr Speaker, would the Prime Minister....”
“Point of Order, Mr Speaker,” Geoffrey Johnson-Smith rose behind the Government front bench. “I spy strangers,” he said gravely. The was a rumble of dissent from the Labour benches, and a few cries of “disgrace!” The House divided swiftly, the Conservative Members dutifully filing through the Aye lobby. The motion passed, above the chamber the attendants hurried spectators from the public gallery while the journalists and Hansard reporters quietly packed their belonging and slipped from the balcony.
“If I may continue,” McNamara said finally. “Would the Prime Minister confirm that there was an attempted breakout from one of the Belfast holding camps — camps were innocent people are held prisoner purely on account of their religion. Will the Prime Minister confirm that the army used live ammunition on those attempting to escape, would the Prime Minister...”
“Order! Only one question please.”
“Mr Speaker. I hope the House will understand that, due to security concerns, we cannot afford to be as prompt in informing the House of some matters as we would wish. I can certainly confirm that several suspected IRA members attempted to escape from custody on the 24th January and can assure the House that the minimum necessary force was utilised in their successful recapture.”
“Time's up!”
“Point of Order, Mr Speaker,” Tony Benn was again on his feet. “It is quite out of order to use the antiquated rules of this House to prevent the public hearing a debate that this Government is preventing people from reading about in the presh. If we are not going to allow the public to read about these things in the papers and we are not going to allow them to read about them being discussed in the chamber how is democracy supposhed to function?” There were a spattering of hear-hears from the Labour benches.
“I note the Right honourable gentleman's concerns, but as he knows, it is not a valid point of order. The House legitimately voted to go into private session.”
- — -
As soon as Question Time was finished Powell stalked back to his office in the Commons, his PPS Ian Gow at his heels. “It might be worth taking advantage of Benn's challenge,” Gow was saying. “It will look as if you are responding to his concerns, and while he represents only an extreme fringe that are those concerns about us acting without public consultation. More to the point, we would demolish any opposition totally. As it is the by-elections are concentrated in the Labour heartlands, and the media will interpret Labour victories as a public vote of no confidence in us.”
“The media are quite aware of their duty to the country at this time,” Powell wheezed. “A General election would leave the country without Parliament for a mouth at a time of crisis.”
“But once the Bill is passed we would have powers to deal with any problems through Orders in Council. Parliament's role will be once the crisis has passed,” Gow continued. Airey Neave joined the two men as they reached the PM's office.
“An election campaign would give the IRA innumerable targets. It would be too risky.”
“Nonsense,” Neave said. “If this Bill won't give us powers to deal with that then what is the point? We can deal with such threats, and what a poke in the eye for the terrorists — not only will we not bend to your threats but we are confident enough to call a General Election campaign in the middle of them. Besides, Enoch, you know as well as I do. If we are going to win this, if we are going to really crush them. If we are going to go through with what you promised in the House last week — a couple more attacks won't go amiss in bolstering public opinion.”
“We shall see,” Powell said non-committally.
“Now,” Neave continued. “I wanted to talk to you about the foreign press. There's no point us trying to stop the situation spreading by damping down coverage in our own papers if all the bloody foreign rags are covering it. Papers come in, and people go out. We need to do something about foreign correspondents...”
From “The Labour Leadership and the Westminster Bombing: the Abortive Leadership Election of 1977” by K.Alderman (Parliamentary Affairs, Vol.30, Issue.4)
The Labour Party was left in a unenviable position, without Leader or Deputy Leader and with the NEC deadlocked and unable to decide upon a temporary leader. The Leadership election was instigated almost immediately, even prior to the funerals of Healey and Foot. It could be reasonably expected that the national crisis that was underway and the deep personal grief felt by most Labour MPs at the loss of so many close colleagues would have led to a sombre and gentlemanly contest, it was not however to be.
The three candidates for the election, Roy Jenkins, Tony Crosland and Tony Benn all declared their candidacy in subdued manner on the 26th January. The first ballot was set for the 3rd February. The run-up to the first ballot saw little active campaigning, many Labour MPs were still absent from Westminster and all three contenders though open canvassing would be counter productive. As the ballot drew closer however the contrast between Jenkins' support for the Powell Government and Benn's outraged opposition had the effect of polarising the depleted Parliamentary Party and Tony Crosland, who for reasons of ill-health had been unable to play as active a role as the other two candidates, gathered much support as a possible compromise candidate between two wings of the Labour party that seemed diametrically opposed to one another [...]
The result of the first ballot was a disappointment to the two front-runners, and was seen by many as a rebuke for the mild campaigning that had gone up in the run up to the vote. The votes cast [...] were 48 for Tony Crosland, 42 for Jenkins, 41 for Benn, 3 spoilt papers and 11 abstentions (mostly MPs who were still absent from Westminster).
Benn immediately declared that the election was undemocratic, as almost half of Labour constituencies were unable influence the choice of leader. Several of his supporters went further, declaring that they could not serve under Jenkins as Leader if he continued to support Powell's security policy[...] The final ballot was set for the 10th February. Members of Crosland's campaign team have told the authors that in the run up to the ballot they had secured firm pledges from 85 MPs, enough for victory even accounting for the inevitable unreliable pledges.
7th February 1977
“I give way to the right honourable gentleman opposite,” Powell said, a glint in his eye, as Tony Benn, looking slightly surprising prepared to speak. Along the bench Roy Jenkins glowered at him. He was becoming increasingly annoyed at the frequency that Benn was being called to speak in the House, in the midst of a leadership election it had hardly been appropriate for the Speaker to so openly favour one participant with speaking time in front of their electorate, one could almost be forgiven for thinking that the new Conservative Speaker had some sort of ulterior motive Benn securing the leadership. Still, he had at least been eliminated now.
“I thank the right honourable gentleman for giving way,” Benn began. “Might I again ask, Mishter Speaker, when the British public are going to be given the opportunity to give their conshent to the deplorable policies the Prime Minishter is reciting with such relish. These policies were in no manifesto, there has been no conshultation, indeed a quarter of the sheats in this House are still vacant. When are the people going to have an opportunity to voice their opinion?”
There were rumbles of dissent from the Government benches as Powell returned to the despatch box. "Mister Speaker, while I do not agree with the right honourable gentleman's opinion of this Government's policies — policies need I say, that have been introduced purely to protect the people of this nation against those who the right honourable gentleman would grant succour — I must concede that he makes a valid point. I cannot deny that the fight ahead will require much strength and determination and it is right to ask the public for their support in our endeavour. As the House will know, the necessary emergency legislation is now in place and I am given to understand that the party opposite will, by the end of this week, have a new Leader in situ to contest any election. Therefore I take this opportunity to inform the House that later this afternoon, as soon as my duties in the House are complete, I shall be seeking an audience with her Majesty the Queen in order to request the dissolution of Parliament. If Her Majesty sees fit to accede to my request, a General Election shall be held on the third of March.
“This Government will go before the country to ask their support in stamping out terrorism and in crushing those who have attacked the very heart of our democracy. I have no doubt that, with the memory of those 198 people who were murdered that the men and women of Britain will give us their full support in this battle, while I am equally convinced that they will overwhelmingly reject the weak-willed appeasement of the right honourable gentleman opposite.”
9th February 1977
All was bustle in Roy Jenkin's campaign headquarters as volunteers checked lists, rang officers and totted numbers in the last hours of the leadership campaign. Amidst the constant ringing of phones little attention was paid when Bill Rodgers, Jenkin's campaign manager, picked up what was expected to be another standard phone call. Rodgers nodded quietly and called Jenkins to the phone. “Tony Crosland has suffered a stroke,” he whispered. “He's not expected to survive the night.”
“Damn,” Jenkins murmured. “Damn, damn, damn. What happens now?”
Rodgers shrugged. “I don't know. I guess you're leader, there is an election in three weeks. They can't possibly run the leadership election over again.”
“I guess I am,” Jenkins said. “Then we must start immediately, we need to sort out a manifesto, political bwoadcasts, candidates. Fetch me a glass of clawet and we'll get to work.”
The phone rang again. “It for you,” Bill Rodgers said, picking up the receiver. “It's Ian Gilmour.”
From “Things Fall Apart” by Ian Gilmour (Phoenix, 1986)
Things moved rapidly after Powell's surprise announcement of a General Election on the 3rd March. Chris Soames immediately offered his resignation from his post in Paris and returned to London to lead our election campaign. Tony Crosland's death on the 9th February made Roy Jenkins the de jure leader of the Labour Party, although almost a third of the Parliamentary Labour Party, under the leadership of Tony Benn, immediately announced that they would not recognise the result and would fight the election in opposition to Powell's “fascist” policies. I spoke to Roy on the evening of the 9th and he arranged to meet Chris and me over lunch on the 10th. Jeremy Thorpe, who until this point had been non-committal, also agreed to attend.
After a week of careful negotiating the major parts fell together easily. Roy and Jeremy both agreed to fight the election on a joint National ticket. Christopher Soames was to be the official Party Leader, but our intention was to recreate genuine cabinet Government in Britain. Roy Jenkins was to act as our Home Affairs spokesman, Jeremy Thorpe as our shadow Chancellor and myself as Foreign Affairs spokesman. We had a wealth of talented candidates available for our spokesmen, the team of shadow spokesmen that we unveiled at our campaign launch on the 12th February included Quintin Hogg, Peter Carrington, David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Jim Prior — who having remained upon the Conservative benches since his dismissal from the cabinet finally agreed to campaign against Powell. We were careful however to leave several positions unoccupied in order that the more sympathetic members of Powell's government could be invited to join the Cabinet. At our launch we also received the support of two former Prime Ministers, Harold Macmillan and the Earl of Rievaulx.
From S.King “A Busted Flush? The National Party at the 1977 Election,” (Journal of British Politics, Vol 6, No.4)
Poll ratings for the National Party after its initial launch were exceptionally high. The MORI poll taken on the 13-14th February put their level of support in questions on voting intention at 44% percent, suggesting a National Party landslide. As the campaign progress however their level of support fell. This is related to a number of factors.
Firstly was the natural fading of support after the excitement of the party's launch. The MORI poll itself is likely to be an anomalous figure, since Gallup and Harris polls taken at a similar time show a much lower level of support.
Secondly was an increase in support for Tony Benn's faction of the Labour Party. Media coverage of the emergence of the National Party limited the media visibility of the Labour Party in the first week of the election campaign and it is thought that many people who voiced their intention to vote National were under the impression that Labour were standing down in favour of the National Party, while in reality Benn's Labour Party put up opposing candidates in 612 constituencies.
Thirdly was the campaigning factor. While a majority of the Parliamentary Labour Party backed Jenkins' decision to campaign on a National ticket, many constituency activists backed Benn's “rump” Labour Party. Since the National Conservatives had little in the way of grass roots organisation the National Party was reliant in many areas upon the scant resources of the Liberal Party. Powell's Conservatives were able to swamp their opposition at a grass roots level.
Fourthly, as a new party ticket in need of publicity, the harsh restrictions on public meetings and demonstrations imposed after assassination attempts upon the Home Secretary, William Whitelaw, and the Northern Ireland Secretary, Airey Neave, hit the National Party particularly hard. Both assassination attempts consisted of gunmen firing at the ministers from amongst protesting crowds and after Whitelaw was slightly injured in the second attempt the Government issued orders to the police and army to break up large political demonstrations where they feared they was a risk of trouble. While Powell insisted that legitimate political meetings could go ahead, the police refused permission for many opposition rallies in the last week and a half of the campaign. Similarly, the press was overwhelmingly sympathetic to the Conservative Government, and as such the National Party received little coverage. Most of the right-wing media portrayed the contest as being a straight fight between Powell and Benn.
Fifthly, Powell performed far better in the national media campaign. While the National Party's leadership contrived to appear statesmanlike and above the political fray, Powell relentlessly attacked his opponents as traitors, appeasers, as being soft-on-terrorism, on having a hidden agenda to back down in the face of terrorism and, in the attack that perhaps did the most damage to the National movement, of being a collection of has-beens, never-will-be's and rejects taking advantage of tragedy to try and grab power for themselves. Of the National Party leadership the only figure who made an impact with the British public was Jeremy Thorpe, who played an increasingly large role in the National Party's publicity as the campaign progressed...
26th February 1977
George Gale watched as the MI5 (or least, talking it over in the hostelries of Fleet Street, they assumed they were MI5) blocked another news article about sectarian violence in towns across Northern England and the posting of troops outside polling stations. “No great surprise,” Gale said, tossing the article into the wastepaper bin.
“There's someone you should meet,” Gale looked up surprised. The agent, whose surname he didn't even know, normally skulked in an office next to Gale's speed-reading articles and receiving orders from on high. Until today he had hardly had a civil word for Gale. "There is a man being released from HMP Exeter tomorrow at 11am, his name is Andrew Newton. He was due to be released in April but has agreed to assist us in return for an early release. It would be to your advantage to have someone meet him on release. He will have some interesting information for regarding Jeremy Thorpe.
“You might also find these of interest. The originals are, I believe, in the hands of Devon police.” The agent tossed an envelope onto the table and left the room. Gale quickly ripped the envelope open. It contained a handful of letters, handwritten. Gale flicked through them quickly, they ended with the cryptic phrase “Bunnies can and will go to France...I miss you.”