What If Gordon Banks Had Played, Part 14

14th May 1977

The four defendants in the dock shuffled to their feet as His Honour Judge Sir John Donaldson prepared to deliver their sentences. “You have each been found guilty on charges of conspiracy to cause an explosion, of no less than 149 charges of murder, and on the charge of high treason, the most serious charge that can be brought before this court. Your crimes are without question the most heinous I have ever come across, and God willing that I ever will. All four of you are without question wicked and evil men, who have shown no compulsion in killing the innocent in an attempt to gain that which you cannot acquire through peaceful campaigning and reasoned argument. The charge of conspiracy to cause an explosion carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, and taking that charge alone for now, I have no doubt that each of you will be a danger to peace loving people for the rest of your lives. In regard of the first charge I sentence each of you to life imprisonment without parole.”

The judge paused, and reached for a small square of black cloth, which the placed solemnly upon his head. “In relation to the charges of murder, and of high treason, you will be aware that when carried out in the furtherance of terrorism, murder carries a maximum penalty of death. The crime of high treason, of attempting to overthrow her Majesty's government, carries no other penalty. I have no hesitation in deciding that, in the light of the severity of your crimes, and your complete lack of remorse that you should be punished to the full extent of the law. In regard of 149 charges of murder and the charge of high treason, it is the sentence of this court that you should each be taken from this place to the prison from whence each of you came, and from there to a place of execution where you shall each be hanged by the neck until you are dead. May God have mercy on your souls. Take them down.”

17th May 1977

Jim Molyneaux looked around the room at the assembled newspaper editors. They didn't look happy. The editor of the Daily Telegraph, George Gale, who was considered to be the closest to the Government had done most of the talking. “You see, we quite understand the need to hold our tongues on security issues...” Behind Gale, Mike Molloy and Peter Preston, the editors of the Mirror and Guardian both looked pained. Molyneaux realised that, for the press to put together such a show of unity could only mean that they meant business.

Gale continued, “But we can't help thinking it's being done rather heavy handedly. Not one of us here would print anything supporting the IRA, and we have all been conspicuous in obeying D-Notices on security issues, but in all honestly things are going too far. Not being able to report anti-Conservative campaigns or speeches, it is not as if Tony Benn is telling people to go out and join the IRA.”

Molyneaux tried to speak, “In a situation like this — in any fight against terrorism, public morale is everything. The only way we can win is by maintaining public support, the only way we can loose is if we loose the will to fight.”

“It is becoming counter productive though,” David English broke in. “People are becoming uneasy, they may not read it in the papers but they see people protesting, people marching, people rioting. When people know somethings going on but they can't read about it in the papers they start asking questions.” Larry Lamb of the Sun nodded beside him.

“Besides,” Gale spoke again. “There are some issues that are just pure censorship in the cause of political expediency. Yesterday I had a story pulled about overseas investors becoming concerned at putting money into Britain because of recent violence. That may not be a good story for the Government but its certainly no security risk.”

“It could easy boost the morale of the IRA, give them encouragement, let them think they have successfully applied pressure.”

“So could them seeing the death of a free press in the UK,” said Gale, he paused. It was a long, lingering pause and Molyneaux almost spoke just to put an end to the silence, finally Gale spoke. “We have decided not to co-operate unless restrictions are relaxed.”

Molyneaux's mouth dropped. He expected the newspapers to be angry, but he hadn't expected this. “You can't,” Molyneaux said. “This isn't a voluntary agreement George. This is compulsory, this is the law.”

“Yes. I know, and believe me Jim, it gives me no pleasure. But we have all agreed to it. We don't intend to write anything that could pose a security risk, but we don't intend to carry on being censored. How would it look if the Government suddenly banned all of the newspapers? Would that give the IRA encouragement?”

Molyneaux rolled his eyes. “I see, I see. I'll speak to the Prime Minister. I'm sure we can have the restrictions relaxed slightly — the law remains though, and I would not recommend any of you to push it too far. Do you understand?”

Gale smiled. He was a canny enough journalist to know when he had won and when to let a politician save face. “That is very good of you, Home Secretary.”

The next day the MI5 agent was still in the Telegraph office, and he still checked through the copy before Gale was permitted to send it to printers, but this time the stories about rioting students in Nottingham and Tony Benn addressing a peace rally in London were allowed to stay in.

18th May 1977

“I see,” Powell said as Molyneaux finished briefing the cabinet on the meeting with the press. “I am disappointed, but not surprised. Do keep an eye on them, Home Secretary, there is no harm in letting them have more leeway but we must not hesitate to take action if anything damaging to national security is printed.”

“It does highlight a wider problem,” Willie Whitelaw said from his seat opposite the Prime Minister. His left arm was still heavily bandaged from the shooting during the election campaign. “We are in danger of not leaving a safety valve for dissent to escape. Preventing meetings on campuses for example has been entirely counter-productive. Last week alone there were three riots on University campuses.”

“Four actually,” Cecil Parkinson, the Education Secretary said. “We certainly need to move closer to a softly-softly approach.”

“Nonsense!” said the shrill voice of Margaret Thatcher from the end of the table furthest from Powell. “Willie's been shot, if we start letting protesters gather on every street corner we never know when the next one will be hiding a gunman!”

“Thank you, Secretary of State for Social Security,” Powell said icily. “As I have said before. We cannot possibly relax security arrangements prior to the Jubilee celebrations. I was not asked by Her Majesty to run her government in order to allow her to be shot at by terrorists.”

“Willie does have a point through,” Jim Molyneaux said. “We have lost our light touch. People are starting to wonder whether or not all these security arrangements are strictly necessary, people are starting to become disillusioned. It won't take much...”

“Chuck them a few crumbs,” Alan Clark drawled. “Let them have some more news stories about how nasty the Conservatives are and let them wave some placards about and it'll keep them quite. Would you rather have the hoi polloi waving banners or waving petrol bombs?”

“Not how I would have put it, but exactly my point,” Molyneaux finished.

“Would you care to appear on the television telling people that you are going to relax security before the Golden Jubilee?” Powell said. “Would you care to defend the decision should, God forbid, there be an attempt upon her Majesty's life. Our fundamental duty is to protect the Monarch.”

“That doesn't mean we need to stop meetings everywhere, or stop press articles about riots in Glasgow or marches in Exeter,” Molyneaux said. “It's not as if we can stop crowds gathering for the Jubilee anyway. We'd be hounded out of office, after all the people have been through — they need to be free to have a good party for the Jubilee.”

20th May 1977

“Seen this?” said Ian Gow, as he threw a copy of the next day's Times onto Powell's desk. He pointed to the story on the front page.

“CABINET SHOWDOWN OVER JUBILEE SECURITY”

“The Times has learnt that divisions have emerged within the cabinet over security arrangements for the Queen's Jubilee celebrations. Several high profile figures within the cabinet, including Home Secretary Jim Molyneaux, are calling in private for the strict security provisions that have been in place since the Westminster bombing in January be relaxed to allow the country to fully enjoy the Silver Jubilee. Other ministers within the cabinet, lead by the Secretary of State for Social Security, Margaret Thatcher, are thought to be resisting this move, concerned that the IRA may take advantage of the Jubilee celebrations to launch an attack against the Queen herself...”

“I understand,” Powell said. “It can only have originated from her. We can't have ministers briefing the press about what goes on in cabinet meetings.”

“The cabinet were only appointed two months ago, you can hardly sack her,” Gow said.

“Of course not. No, it would seem that we were not concerned about security. We shall put out a statement assuring people that security provisions will remain for the Jubilee, and I shall ensure that that woman is given a good dressing down. Ask switchboard to get hold of the Home Secretary and the Chief Whip.”

From the Daily Telegraph, 1st June 1977

“Terrorist suspects arrested as Country Prepares for Jubilee”

The police yesterday arrested another four men in connection with the bombings of January 22. The four men, aged between 22 and 40, are all thought to come from Northern Ireland. They were arrested in Liverpool yesterday and are being questioned in connection with the explosion at Birmingham New Street Station in which 5 people were killed. The police are still searching for those responsible for another five bombings carried out on January 22 and are urging the public to remain vigilant.

The successful arrest of another IRA unit bodes well for the Jubilee celebrations next weekend. Despite local disturbances the Metropolitan Police have stated that the Jubilee celebrations will continue as planned, although special security provisions are being laid in place. The police have already placed known Republican sympathisers in the London area in preventative custody and all police leave has been cancelled for the next week.

From “Difficult Times. Diaries 1974-1980.” by Tony Benn (Arrow, 1984)

June 5th 1977 — I addressed a civil rights march in Hyde Park. There must have been around 50,000 people there, though the police figures they gave on the BBC later were only 4,000. The overwhelming majority were normal, peaceful people concerned about this Government's trampling of people's rights. The Government's decision to lock up several hundred people on the suspicion that they might have so-called “republican sympathies” is quite disgraceful. Of course the BBC's coverage omitted any mention of the actual issues and showed only the handful of troublemakers who clashed with police after the march had finished.

It is the Queen's jubilee march in two days time. While the Queen personally has done a tremendous job, the position is quite unjustifiable. I spoke to may people in the crowd in Hyde Park and they all agreed that it the Jubilee celebration was an absurd waste to money, to spend millions of pounds on the anniversary of a woman being made our Head of State by an accident of birth. I have little doubt that this will be last such jubilee, hopefully by 2002 we will have a properly elected President.

From “A Woman's Place: An Autobiography”, by Margaret Thatcher (HarperCollins, 1989)

The levels of violence across the country gradually increased during the weeks prior to the Jubilee. There were several large protest marches and riots broke out in several Northern cities. I was certain that the overwhelming majority of these demonstrations and riots were provoked by a hardcore of professional anarchists and troublemakers, but by being seen to ban protest we gave them an undeserved air of legitimacy. While I was certain that the security measures were right and proper, we were not explaining properly to the people why they were necessary, and some people erroneously thought that we sought to restrict freedom for its own sake, while in fact we were only seeking to protect their freedoms against the threat of terrorism. I did not, unlike some of my cabinet colleagues, fall into the trap of believing that relaxing security arrangements would provide an easy solution — such a course of action could only aid the terrorists. My own view was, as it always has been, that in the face of increasing violence the only solution is to maintain order, not to surrender to the mob. Others in the cabinet though disagreed with me, and there was no increase in security provisions in the run up to the celebrations. In due course my fears were, tragically, to be proved correct.

6th June 1977

At 6.55am, prisoner EH2315, having taken Holy Communion from a priest, was quietly summoned from his cell by Harry Allen, Her Majesty's Chief Executioner, and took the short walk to the gallows trapdoor. His hands were strapped behind his back and his ankles shackled and Allen counted quietly to himself as he went through the steps of the procedure. A white hood was placed over the prisoner's head, then a noose. The noose was tightened around his neck, it's suspension point moved into position in front of his lower left jaw, and finally, as Allen's count reached eight, he pulled the lever and with a bang, the trapdoor swung open. McGee fell, and moved no more. There was no time for proud gaelic declarations upon the trapdoor — he whole process took less than fifteen seconds. Elsewhere across Britain, another three hangmen stood solemnly over their respective trapdoors watching three more bodies swing in the darkness.

From the Evening Standard, 7th June, Metro edition.

“Long to Reign Over Us”

The Queen's Jubilee celebrations got off to a successful start this morning. Under tight security the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh arrived at Temple Bar where they were met by the Lord Mayor of London, who surrendered the pearl sword to her Majesty as an acknowledgement of her sovereignty before proceeding to St Paul's Cathedral for a service of thanksgiving. The streets of the City of London were packed with well-wishers, keen to see the Monarch on her Silver Jubilee. Later the Queen will be giving an address at a dinner at the Guildhall before returning with the Duke of Edinburgh to Buckingham Palace to watch the Silver Jubilee Pageant.

7th June 1977, 2pm

The Queen's carriage, flanked by motorcycle outriders and followed closely by a second car containing Special Branch Diplomatic & Royalty Protection Officers, glided down the Strand towards Trafalgar Square past the lines of flag waving crowds. Above the bunting and the banners on the balconies and in the windows of the buildings one could catch the occasional glimpse of Special Branch snipers, their eyes roaming silently over the crowds below.

The Queen's car swung around Trafalgar Square and through Admiralty Arch onto the Mall. Both sides of the road were packed with spectators, held back by a metal barrier and lines of Police Officers. As the car moved slowly along the Mall, the Queen waving through the bulletproof glass at the assembled crowds there was a sudden muffled explosion from the North side of the road. Many of the statements from witnesses later described the events that followed as happening almost as if in slow motion. The crowd panicked, scattering....

Extract from the report of the Donaldson Inquiry (“Inquiry into the Events on 7 July 1977 Which Led to the killing of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II: Report of the Tribunal Appointed Under the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921”, HMSO, 1978)

25. Crowds gathered in the Mall were assembled around six or seven people deep. Prior to the arrival of Her Majesty the crowds were of good nature. Crowds were held back by a single rank of linked metal barriers, patrolled by police officers. Police Officers were placed at intervals of roughly one Officer for every two units of the crash barriers, facing outwards towards the crow itself. Passage across the Mall was through three gaps in the barriers, marked on Map A. These gaps in the barriers were closed five minutes prior to the arrival of the Royal Party, thereby securing the Mall.

26. The Royal Party entered the Mall at 2.04pm, proceeded by four motorcycle outriders and followed by the Special Branch vehicle carrying Officers G, H & J (see Appendix III). The Party moved at a steady speed and had travelled 400 yards down the Mall at the moment of detonation (see Map A).

27. The explosion occurred at a point two meters north of the crash barriers on the North side of Mall, 50 yards in front of the Royal Party (marked as B on Map A). The bomb was contained in a sports bag, and was a simple explosive accompanied with flammable material and a large number of 5'' masonry nails. Witnesses K & L reported seeing a dark haired man standing at the point where the bomb detonated “two or three” minutes before the arrival of the Royal Party. Witness K believes that the man was carrying a bag that matches the description of the bag containing the bomb (see Appendix III). Since the only points where the Mall could have been crossed were closed 5 minutes prior to the arrival of the Royal Party, and the congestion in the area would have made it impossible to reach said points in less than ten minutes, this therefore rules out the possibility that the assassin acted alone.

28. The explosion immediately focused the attention of security officers to the crowd to the North. The initial blast killed 1 by-stander, and injured 17 others. In evidence to the inquiry Police Officers on duty on the North side barriers have described how a mood of panic took over the crowd on the North side of the barriers, this included many bystanders climbing over the barriers into the Mall, and the barriers being tipping over at point C (see Map A). Police officers on duty gave verbal instructions for people to move back from the barriers, but these instructions were ignored. Worried that pressure would lead to further casualties amongst the crowd the barriers were opened at point D (see Map) allowing the crowd to spill onto the Mall.

29. Police Officers manning the South side of the Mall (Witnesses M, N, O, P & Q) have described how, hearing the explosion, Officers N, O, P & Q abandoned their posts on the South of the Mall to attempt to assist with casualties on the Northern side. Witness M described how the crowd to the South were panicked and confused. While many moved away from the barriers into St James's Park, spectators further up the Mall pressed inwards in order to find out what was going on, leading to pressure on the barriers at point E (see Map). The assassin, Farrell, at this point crossed the barriers at point F (see map), near the position previously occupied by Police Officer P and around 50 yards in front of the Royal Party.

30. Farrell had been previously spotted by Witnesses E & F, amongst others, in the crowd to the South of the Mall. He had apparently arrived very early during the day and had been on the front row beside Witness E, who had spent the previous night camped by the side of the Mall in order to secure a front row position. Witness E told the inquiry that while Farrell was very quiet in contrast to the camaraderie between other spectators, neither his appearance or his manner seemed suspicious.

31. At hearing the explosion the Royal Party immediately sought to accelerate up the Mall, however an immediate escape was hindered by members of the public spilling onto the Mall from the North. The car carrying the royal party swerved to the Southern side of the Mall to avoid hitting any members of the public, thereby allowing Farrell a clear shot at the side of the car.

32. Farrell simultaneously utilised two semi-automatic pistols (see Appendix IV) and managed to fire 8 shots at close range at the Queen's car before himself being shot and killed (see Paragraph 33). Shot (a) was absorbed by the offside front passenger window of the Queen's car. Shots (b), (c) and (d) were absorbed by the rear offside window. Shots (e), (f) & (g) passed through the rear window, shot (g) hitting Her Majesty the Queen (see Paragraph 35). Shot (h) was fired in the air as Farrell himself was hit, and landed on the road. Full ballistics reports are attached in Appendix IV.

7th June 1977, 2.07pm

...the crowd panicked, scattering away from the explosion and tumbling over the barriers into the Mall itself. There were screams and shouts of panic and a screech of rubber on tarmac as the Queen's car swerved to the left as it tried to round the fleeing spectators and accelerate up the Mall. Suddenly there were a volley of gunshots, seven, eight, nine-ten in rapid succession. More screams as as mounted and shielded policemen ordered the crowds to push back over the barriers horrified spectators were met with the grisly sight of a body, face down in the road, while the Queen's car sped up the Mall, the monarch slumped over her husband.